In 'secular' parlance, Gujarat is the hotbed of Hindutva and nothing right ever happens there. In contrast, West Bengal is a model of 'secularism', home to a left-liberal society for about three decades under the 'ideal' rule of the CPI(M). Of course, this image of a progressive Government has suffered a setback in the wake of the atrocities in Nandigram. But the March 14 incident will soon be forgotten, just like the Tiananmen Square episode in China.

Since Gujarat has come to be identified with Hindutva, the State's Chief Minister, Mr Narendra Modi, is naturally projected in poor light. But look who is praising him: It is none other than West Bengal Chief Minister and Marxist leader Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee! In a recent note to his allies in the Left Front Government, Mr Bhattacharjee said that Mr Modi "has been bringing the highest investment to (his) State for years. Riots may be taking place, but investments are also flowing".

Mr Bhattacharjee appeared quite concerned that investors were flocking to Gujarat while he had to overcome the hostility of his allies and the Opposition to get them to West Bengal. With the background of some major projects he had okayed, some of which involved land acquisition by his Left Front Government, Mr Bhattacharjee said in the note, "Investors are also making a beeline for Bengal. (But) if we fail to take decisions in time, the money would go elsewhere." That obviously was a warning to his allies that Gujarat under Mr Modi was stealing the show and West Bengal might be left behind in the race.

The tenor of the note clearly showed that Mr Bhattacharjee's reference to the Gujarat riots was secondary. There is a confession in the note. Mr Bhattacharjee admits that earlier he was stridently opposed to the Tatas and Birlas in the past, but he is a reformed man now: "I once supported the call to oust Tata-Birla. Today we are helping the Tatas set up shop here in a changed situation. Is there any alternative?"

The question is truly aimed at Mr Bhattacharjee's colleagues in the CPI(M), apart from his allies, who oppose his industrialisation policy. For, it is the same Marxist leaders who, at the Centre, are critical of the UPA's policy of promoting private enterprise and oppose any dilution of the Government's stake in the public sector - whether in banks and insurance or in steel and engineering.

Mr Bhattacharjee's concern is based on evidence. He has seen Mr Modi take the lead in transforming Gujarat into a truly vibrant State. "Not red tape but red carpet," Mr Modi repeatedly tells industrialists. No wonder the biennial summits that Mr Modi holds with prospective investors are getting him thousands of crores of rupees worth of investment proposals. And this is followed by almost 80 per cent of the proposals being implemented.

The Vibrant Gujarat Global Investors' Summit 2007 held in January has fetched the State proposals worth Rs 4,61,835 crore. Two years ago, a similar summit had generated proposals worth Rs 1,06,000 crore and the first of these summits, held in 2003 brought investment proposals worth Rs 66,000 crore. No wonder Mr Bhattacharjee is forced to admit that while Mr Modi is getting huge investments, when West Bengal is struggling with the implementation of merely two major proposals - the Tata Motors' small car project and the Salem Group's chemical hub.

There is, however, a world of difference between the approaches of the two Chief Ministers. The Gujarat Chief Minister does his homework and each of his summits is preceded by a carefully orchestrated road show abroad on what Gujarat can offer. It is obvious that the healthy labour situation in the State and the pro-investment policies of its Government are also encouraging investors. Mr Modi has identified areas where investment will be worthwhile for entrepreneurs. He has coined the slogan: "Bring in a rupee and take back a dollar."

Besides, Mr Modi has no ideological hangover in securing investments. He has brought Chinese, as much as Singaporean and American, investments to his State. In the last summit, a Singaporean Minister was the guest of honour. The road shows that he organises ensure that his message reaches the right person.

Interestingly - this may also be disturbing for Mr Bhattacharjee - while West Bengal still struggles with establishing a single SEZ, Gujarat has already set up several of them and is welcoming more. The ports of Gujarat lead the sectors in the State that have witnessed massive investments and that ensures that the SEZs are in synergy with the ports, making investment more attractive. Gujarat is also leading in the field of port development by the private sector. Moreover, the hinterland provides an economically viable area for new export-oriented industries.

However, investments alone do not provide the full picture. Mr Modi has a dream that he shares with everybody all the time - that of eradicating poverty from Gujarat by 2010 through a harmonious promotion of both industry and agriculture. His Government's achievement in providing quality and assured power supply to agriculture is exemplary. He takes the onus upon himself to ensure that his programmes are implemented at the ground level, as he goes about checking the dams and other irrigation facilities.

Such initiatives have also impacted the social sector. His innovative programme, Vidyalakshmi, which provides a Rs 1,000 bond to every girl child who enrols in the first grade in villages with a low female literacy rate, has attracted countrywide attention. The girl child gets the money once she completes class VII, with interest accrued on Rs 1,000 for seven years. He has set up a separate fund for it and all the gifts he receives when he visits rural areas are put into it. Before Mr Modi, only a fraction of the monetary gifts that Chief Ministers received went to the toshakhana, totalling Rs 4.55 lakh. Mr Modi has deposited gifts worth Rs 287.37 lakh in the last five years.

Enrolment in schools has now acquired a festive mood in Gujarat. The dropout rate for girls up to the fifth grade has declined from 17.34 per cent to 5.7 per cent since 2003 and between the first and seventh grades from 31.42 per cent to 14.02 per cent.

If Mr Bhattacharjee were to drop his ideological blinkers, his next note to his allies would include how Mr Modi has managed the transformation of the social contours of Gujarat.

Courtesy: www.dailypioneer.com, March 23, 2007