For the US, India becoming a nuclear power was unthinkable. When India acquired nuclear capability and proved it by conducting tests in two phases, the US Foreign Affairs Administration was shocked. Having seen the failure of sanctions imposed by several countries, US State Department engaged India for a number of years. Strobe Talbott, US Deputy Secretary of States started negotiating with the then Foreign Minister of India, Jaswant Singh.

Talbott in his book Engaging India wrote: "What follows is the story of negotiations as we agreed to call it the dialogue - that the Indian statesman Jaswant Singh and I conducted over next two-and-half-years. We met 14 times at 10 locations in seven countries on three continents.... I defined our task: engagement. That word connote eye-to-eye contact, a firm handshake, a pledge, or a long-term commitment. But engagement can also refer to the crossing of swords, a clash of armies or warships or wills. Both elements, conciliation and contest, were present in what went on between Jaswant Singh and me."

In May 11 and 13, 1988 India conducted Pokharam-II test. The tremor was experienced at White House. Strobe Talbott vividly described as to how whole of US State Department was astounded by total failure of CIA. Since then US has been applying various tricks to bring India under Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). It may be recalled that Late Prime Minister, Narsimha Rao wanted to conduct nuclear tests in 1996 but the CIA came to know and Rao succumbed to the US pressure. In 1996 when Vajpayee Government was sworn in, Rao quietly handed over a chit to Vajpayee which said to conduct the nuclear test as early as possible. But Vajpayee Government lasted for 13 months. Within weeks of his second swearing in 1998 India conducted Pokharan-II tests.

It was a matter of conviction. BJP's earlier incarnation Bhartiya Jan Sangh had passed a resolution in 1964 calling upon India to develop nuclear deterrent. This spirit was in the very blood of Jan Sangh, for daily prayers at RSS shakhas include two principal objectives - paramvaibhavam and ajayanch vishwasya. In the background of the defeat in 1962 by China and China conducting nuclear tests in 1964 Bhartiya JanSangh had passed this resolution. In 1998 the BJP came to power through alliance. The Allies didn't like the idea of including Ram mandir and Common Civil Code. But the BJP insisted on including nuclear tests and the allies agreed. I remember that during 1998 election campaign, US journalists were curious to know about India's nuclear agenda. The BJP leaders were evasive in their response.

Communists were very critical about 1998 nuclear tests that made India feel proud. Manmohan Singh who was then Leader of Opposition in Rajya Sabha was critical in his speech on these tests. But Vajpayee Government withstood all and fought against the US diplomatic pressure. The nuclear test unlocked a huge potential. Traditional critics of the BJP appreciated Vajpayee Government's achievements. The momentum gained by the NDA Government has been lost by its successor the UPA Government. Manmohan Singh buckled under the US pressure, 123 Agreement is there for all to see. The agreement has been portrayed by Manmohan Singh Government in shining colours.

But independent scientists and columnists were frank in their criticism of the agreement. The BJP leaders argued against this agreement, dove-tailed with Hyde Act and other legislations. The public is confused. CPM's threat to withdraw support served a jolt to the stability at the Centre.

Political class was confused because both Communists and the BJP were perceived as anti-America opposing the agreement. Instability at the Centre threatened the economy of India. Pro-reformists were disturbed. The stand of the BJP, which was projected in this phase was not liked by its own constituency in particular and middle classes in general.

At this juncture Leader of the Opposition LK Advani came out with a bold statement and initiative. First, his statement brought about clarity to the BJP's stand over 123 Agreement. Second, it re-established party's line vis-à-vis the US. Third, it clearly defined the BJP's line as distinct from the Left including CPM. Fourth, it suggested amendment in the Indian Atomic Energy Act and constitutional amendment making parliamentary approval essential for any such international agreement. Further, he said that the present agreement is not between equals. India can't be subservient to any country. For us national interests are supreme. This statement also in no way contradicts any earlier stand of the party. In a way Advani has come out at his strategic best after a long period.

Courtesy: www.dailypioneer.com, September 02, 2007