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Turbulence in Tibet
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by
Salman Haidar
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Extraordinary scenes of defiance of Chinese overlordship have been witnessed in the last few weeks as the Tibetan community has shown its deep resentment at continued Chinese domination of the Tibetan heartland. Demonstrations by Tibetan activists, the youth to the fore, broke out in different parts of Tibet and also in adjoining areas where refugees from that land have been settled for decades, India and Nepal being especially prominent. It was no coincidence that the demonstrations were located along the route of the Olympic flame as it proceeded on its stately way to Beijing, where its arrival will be the climax of a massive national effort to stage the Games with unprecedented splendour: clearly the demonstrators sought to tarnish the glory and diminish the grandeur. Within Tibet itself, unprecedented numbers of local people came out to express their defiance of the authorities and to show devotion to their own way of life. Nothing like this has been witnessed in Tibet's capital since the Chinese forcibly took control half-a-century ago. China's law-and-order authorities were obliged to intervene in considerable force, leading to some loss of life and damage to property. The demonstrations were brought under control before too long but they did serve to underline the depth of Tibetan feeling about the situation. Moreover, they provided an occasion for the numerous critics of China spread all over the globe to come out and raise their voices against that country. The defiance But now that the demonstrations and the display of emotion are over, however legitimate and deeply felt they may have seemed, there is the unavoidable reckoning to be made. Even groups and authorities normally sympathetic to the Tibetan diaspora were taken aback by the vehemence displayed by the young activists. It is unusual indeed that demonstrators in the vicinity of Dharamshala, abode of the Dalai Lama and centre of the Tibetan cause, should have chosen to defy the Indian authorities and to embarrass them by courting arrest instead of working within the normal and accepted limits for the kind of demonstrations they were staging. This was also the case in Nepal, and the authorities in neither of these two countries were best pleased to have been drawn in this fashion into the anti-China purposes of the demonstrators. The activists, and their backers abroad, had embarked on a coordinated programme aimed at embarrassing China at a time when the world's attention was directed towards that country as it prepared for what should be a dazzling Olympic celebration. It is no surprise that the Chinese should strongly resent this effort: they have made a huge effort to stage the Games and their prestige is deeply involved. Chinese everywhere, not officials alone, have been angered and distressed, including the Chinese diaspora in the USA and elsewhere. Many harsh words have been exchanged, including accusations against the Dalai Lama, which in turn are much resented by the Tibetan people, and there is palpable strengthening of doubt and distrust between the Tibetans and the Chinese. These developments can thus take the appearance of a setback to the long pursued Tibetan quest for more liberal treatment by China, leading to greater autonomy and cultural freedom for Tibet. Yet despite all the turbulence and the violent confrontation, there have been one or two signs to suggest that something may yet be retrieved from the situation. Most notably, there is an appeal to the Chinese people by the Dalai Lama, couched in his characteristic conciliatory tone. He has reiterated that he does not seek to separate Tibet from China or to drive a wedge between the Tibetan and Chinese peoples, and that he aims at reconciling the long-term interests of both sides. His appeal is a further manifestation of the Middle Way to a solution that he has been promoting for so many years. Whether triggered by this appeal or by some other development, this call was followed by a request by the PRC for another round of dialogue with Tibetan negotiators. This has now taken place and further talks are on the cards. Thus despite the thunder and discord of events in Tibet, the continuity of the dialogue process has been maintained, which is an important asset. There will be differing interpretations of the reasons why China was willing to remain in dialogue with the Dalai Lama's representatives. Habitual critics may think it is because the global demonstrations have forced China's hand: the Olympics are coming, China is under unprecedented scrutiny and needs to show itself in a favourable light. Indeed, it would be argued by some that this is the time for the other side to try to take advantage of China's vulnerability. But this is fanciful stuff. PRC has amply shown in its 60-odd years that on what it regards as its core interests it will not yield, no matter how hard it is pushed. Taiwan is a case in point; Tibet another. Moreover, nobody is ready to take up Tibet's cause as a make or break issue in its own dealings with China. Some tough remarks may be made by some leaders, quickly retracted in some cases, also many non-official fulminations on human rights practices in China, but Tibet is not the touchstone of relations for any of China's important partners. The efforts and sacrifices of young Tibetans within and outside the country can do little to change this reality. Indeed, in the last few years PRC has seemed increasingly more comfortable about the situation in the Tibet Autonomous Region, possibly because it sees the benefits of the huge economic investment it has made, like the amazing train across the high plateau to Lhasa. The new generation in Tibet seems to enjoy the material benefits of economic development, and while their recent outburst showed that their devotion to the Dalai Lama is unimpaired, yet change is in the air and it seems to be leading towards greater demand for the material benefits flowing from China. Common ground For their separate reasons, both parties have shown readiness to talk to each other, but this is no easy task, especially for the Tibetan representatives, who have few means to press their demands. They have to create confidence in their purpose, and can only advance through finding common ground despite the strife and mistrust of the past. The recent disturbances can only have widened the huge gap between the two sides. Yet even in these circumstances the Dalai Lama has reiterated his message and renewed his quest for reconciliation, and the Chinese authorities have shown readiness to pick up the threads of dialogue once more. Whether there will be any useful meeting of minds when the two sides get together again cannot be predicted but the effort is obviously worth making, and it must be hoped that when the negotiators meet they will be able to find some small chink in the wall. The writer is India's former Foreign Secretary Courtesy: www.thestatesman.net, May 15, 2008 |