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The
first quarter of the twentieth century can easily
be remembered as the period of the institutionalisation
of the Muslim Communal Politics and Muslims' appeasements
by the Indians and the British alike. The period
saw the growth of the communal riots, killing
ap.d looting of Hindus, dishonouring their women
folk, forcible conversion to Islam or Christianity.[1]
The most shocking thing was that the so called
'liberal' and 'secular' leaders among the Muslims
and the Congress under Mahatma Gandhi showed no
real concern towards the problem. They simply
turned a blind eye towards the whole thing and
blamed Hindus themselves for their own massacres
and miseries. The British Government, of course,
encouraged the recurrence of such incidents because
it suited them in terms of divide-and-rule policy.
The strident stand taken by Muslims in the name
of emotional attachment to the past, in the name
of religion, in the name of minority, in the name
of Pan- Islamism, in the name of Muslim brotherhood,
in the name of their, cooperation with the British,
had been at the expense of the Hindus.[2] It is shocking that this communal
politics and the partisan approach, both of the
Congress and the British Government were directed
against the Hindus who were nearly 80 per cent
of the total population. In such an atmosphere
voices and concerns for safeguarding the life
and properties of Hindus did come up. Dr. B.S.
Munje, a prominent Hindu Mahasabha leader
of Maharashtra wrote:
"Hindus
are divided into so many water-tight compartments,
each having a social and cultural life of its
own that there is hardly any association between
them in the wider field of social activities and
amenities of the community as a whole... The Mohammedans,
on the other hand, form one organic community,
religiously well organised and disciplined, so
that any injury done to any part of the community
anywhere is felt as keenly all throughout."[3]
The
extraterritorial loyalties and no concern for
the nation- and the motherland alarmed many nationalist
leaders like Vir Savarkar, who went to a great
length defining Indian nationalism in terms 0
territorial, cultural and political loyalty. His
arguments were based on modern European ideas.
Savarkar also argued that 'Hindu' does not cover
simple religious territory, but it is far closer
to the terms such as 'French', 'German', 'British',
'Swiss',' American' and so on. After all, was
the Indian territory not called 'Hindustan', an
expression denoting geography and not a religion?
Are the people of all religions not living within
the territory of Hindustan? Even beyond the geographical
nationalism Savarkar further explained his thoughts
on it:
"The
Hindus are not merely the citizens of the Indian
state because they are united not only by the
bonds of the love they bear to the common motherland,
but also by the bonds of a common blood. They
are not only a nation but a race -jati. The
word 'jati' is derived from the root jana,
to produce, means a brotherhood, a race determined
by a common origin, possessing a common blood.
All Hindus claim to have in their veins the blood
of the mighty race incorporated with and descended
from the Vedic fathers."[4]
When
Savarkar talks of race and nation, indeed he is
talking in a term that was understood in its context
then in Europe - Gerrnan race or German nation,
British race or British nation, French race or
French nation and so on.
Rise
in Communalism and its Impact
The
kind of heavy toll these riots took on the emotions
and psyche of the people can be understood by
the following statement penned by Deendayal Upadhyaya
explaining why he chose to be a pracharak:
"Muslim
goondas (ruffians, thugs, hoodlums) may
at a single stroke, besmirch the honour and the
reputation of the highest citizens. This is so
because even though they stand high, the Samaj
to which they happen to belong is weak and
degenerate, devoid of power and steeped in selfishness...
Do you believe (that such a) Samaj will
stand by you in case of an emergency? No, it will
not, and for the simple reason that it is disorganised...
Our sisters and daughters are carried away by
Muslims, they are victims of assault by British
soldiers in broad daylight and we, who are never
tired of boasting of our honour and our exalted
position in society, are obliged to look on in
utter helplessness."[5]
Same
was the reason for a large number of very highly
educated people and public figures from all walks
of life who joined
R.S.S.
However,
the founder of R.S.S., Dr. Keshav Baliram Hedgewar
was a member of the Congress. He had very strong
inclination towards nationalism and revolutionary
activities right from his student days. When he
went to Calcutta for his medical studies, he quietly
joined Anushilan Samiti to learn the finer
points of revolutionary activities. After completing
his studies in Calcutta, he returned to Nagpur
in 1915 and joined Congress to fight against British
Raj, and continued his association with the Kranti
Dal.6[6] He further decided to devote his whole life to the
nation and not to enter grihastha ashram or
even not to go for the practice of medicine which
he went to study in Calcutta. The Nagpur District
Gazetteer observes that he was "the brain
behind the revolutionary movements in Nagpur,"
and he developed contact with the revolutionaries
in other parts of India and the enemies of British
Empire.[7]
In
the early 1920s, Dr. Hedgewar became very active
in Disobedience and Non-cooperation movements
and emerged as an able organiser within the Congress.
At the annual session of Congress in Nagpur 1920,
he organised 1,200 volunteers (comprising mostly
young men) to manage the affairs. On 14 August,
1921, Dr. Hedgewar was sentenced to one year's
rigorous imprisonment for defying the ban on political
meetings. He was released on 12 July, 1922. The
withdrawal of the Non-cooperation movement after
'Chauri-Chaura' episode disappointed the whole
nation. Despite the fact that Dr. Hedgewar was
thoroughly disappointed and disillusioned with
the Congress and Gandhiji, he continued to be
in the Congress till 1928.
One
incident that changed the life and mission of
Dr. Hedgewar was Nagpur riots of 1923. Dr. B.S.
Munje, who was an eyewitness describes about the
riots and the psychology of the Hindus and the
Muslims in the following words:
"Out
of 1.51akh population of Nagpur, Muslims are only
20 thousand. But still we feel insecure. Muslims
are never afraid of l lakh 30 thousand Hindus.
So this question should be regarded hereafter
as the question of Hindus. Muslims themselves
have taught us to behave as Hindus while in the
Congress, and as Hindus outside the Congress."[8]
At
this point a little detail is required about Nagpur
riots which gave immediate reason for Dr. Hedgewar
to found an organisation which is today the biggest
voluntary, non- governmental organisation in the
world.
Allover
Maharashtra Ganesha Festival is celebrated with
a lot of pomp and gaiety. In September 1923, due
to Muslims' mischief, there was tension in the
city which prompted the District Collector to
ban the procession during the week long annual
festival. The law abiding Hindu community abided
by the ban. On 30 September, 1923, the District
Collector banned also the Dandi procession in
honour of Lord Ganesha. But this was too much
and several prominent Hindus decided to ignore
the ban. They took out the procession and more
than 20,000 people participated in it. Hindus
of Nagpur formed an organisation of which Dr.
B.S. Munje was chosen Vice-President and Dr. Hedgewar
as Secretary. The net impact of this solidarity
was that a compromise was reached between the
Hindus, the Government and the Muslims that Hindus
could take out the religious processions as per
the tradition.
The
lesson of this solidarity among the Hindus was
not lost. They realised the value of solidarity
and its bargaining power. After the communal riots
in Nagpur, Hindus declared a boycott, against
the Muslim owned business.[9] It was only after such logical a
step that the Congress leadership woke up; not
for the cause of the Hindus, but now due to the
boycott Muslim interest was being hurt. Congress
deputed Motilal Nehru and Abul Kalam Azad to negotiate
the peace.[10]
This was enough for Dr. Hedgewar to realise the
importance of solidarity and need for a strong
organisation comprising of people of courage,
determination, character and concern for the nation.
The
experience gained while dealing with the Nagpur
communal riots made Dr. Hedgewar to found the
Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh on the day
of Dashehra which signifies the victory of righteousness
over the evil, i.e., the victory of Rama
over Ravana. The first five associates of Dr.
Hedgewar were from humble families of Nagpur.
Besides Hedgewar, the four others were M.N. Ghatate,
Appaji Joshi, Bala Saheb Apte and Dadarao P~arth.
It was decided in the beginning itself that R.S.S.
was to be a non- political organisation. It would
concentrate on organising the Hindu society, eradicating
caste system and embarking on character building
of individuals through its shakhas. We
get a glimpse of shakha in those days from
the following description:
"The
Swayamsevaks of the Sangh met daily for
one hour- morning or evening. They played games,
took exercise together, drilled and did some marching.
They sang patriotic songs, invoked Bharat Mata
and saluted ancient Bhagwa. They discussed
the nature of national problems in a good environment.
Here, young and old of all castes and sects came
together and developed into a vast joint family."[11]
Thus,
the shakhas acted as a place for physical
development as well as intellectual and ideological
orientation and awareness. Despite repeated requests
from swayamsevaks, Hedgewar refused to be their
Guru. He told all the swayamsevaks that the true
Guru was the Bhagwa Dhwaj, the most sacred
symbol of Hindus, and we all have to pay our obeisance
to it. It was only in 1929 that upon the request
of several colleagues and followers, he took the
title of Sarsanghachalak (guide and philosopher
of the Sangh). In any function of R.S.S. it was
and still remains a common practice to take meals
together, to be served by the same person, irrespective
of caste. In 1934, Gandhji visited an R.S.S. camp
in Wardha and was surprised to see people of all
castes taking meals together from the same kitchen
and served by the same people.
In
this context, the following narrative by Bala
Saheb Deoras is worth quoting:
"I
was present in the first Sangh camp. In that,
there were quite a number of Mahaar brethren.
At the time of meals, some began hesitating to
sit with them. They had never before in their
lives sat for meals with Mahaars. They placed
their problem before Doctorji. But he did not
enforce the discipline of the camp and asked them
to get out. Doctorji simply said 'Our practice
is to sit together. We shall sit accordingly.'
All of us sat together for meals. Those few that
were hesitant sat in a separate line. But, for
the next meals those very people came to Doctorji
and apologised and sat with us of their own accord."[12]
While
Dr. Hedgewar concentrated on the building of R.S.S.
as a social and cultural organisation, he (in
his personal capacity) continued with his membership
of the Congress and even attended the 1928 session.
He permitted R.S.S. swayamsevaks and pracharaks
to take part in political activities in their
individual capacity, not involving R.S.S. in any
way. In fact, Dr. Hedgewar was under intense pressure
from friends like V.D. Savarkar and Dr. Hardikar
to involve R.S.S. in political activities. Dr.
Hedgewar refused.[13] It may be mentioned here that
when Congress decided to launch its Civil Disobedience
movement on 26 January, 1929, Dr. Hedgewar was
extremely happy and directed all shakhas to
observe the day with parades, pledges, lectures
and patriotic songs. When Dr. Hedgewar decided
to participate in the above movement in 1931,he
handed over his position to Or. L.B.Paranjpe for
the duration of his involvement and imprisonment.
In
the initial years, the growth of R.S.S. was confined
mainly to Nagpur District, but after 1932 its
growth became very rapid. By 1940, almost one
lakh people had joined the R.S.S.. By this time
R.S.S. had its swayamsevaks almost allover
India.
However,
because of very hard work, protracted illness
and little care for health, Dr. Keshav Baliram
Hedgewar, fondly called Doctorji died on 21 June,
1940.
After
the death of Dr. Hedgewar, the mantle fell on
Shri Madhav Sadashiv Golwalkar. He was chosen
to be the Sarsanghachalak by Dr. Hedgewar
himself. Shri Golwalkarji was M.Sc. in Biology
from Banaras Hindu University, where he had taught
for a couple of years. A person of few needs and
still fewer wants, Shri Golwalkarji belonged to
the true Rishi tradition of India. He was
popularly called' Poojya Guruji'. He was
the Sarsanghachalak from 1940 to 1973.
Partition,
Refugees and the R.S.S.
During
the forties, R.S.S. continued to grow. Its work
among the poor and victims of riots earned it
great sympathies, and goodwill. It rapidly grew
in almost all parts of India. Guruji also faced
the question of R.S.S. participation in politics.
But he withstood all pressures from the within
as well as outside and continued with the principles
laid down by Dr. Hedgewar. R.S.S. remained aloof
from all kinds of political activities.
Guruji
was extremely pragmatic in his approach toward
the R.S.S. policies and programme when it came
to their formulation and implementation. For example,
in 1943 when the British Government banned military
drills and the use of uniforms in all non-official
organisation the R.S.S. immediately, as can be
seen in the following note:
"Discontinued
practices included in the Government's early order
on military drills and uniform to keep our work
clearly within bounds of law, as every law abiding
institution should... Hoping that circumstances
would ease early, we had in a sense only suspended
that part of our training. Now, however, we decide
to stop it altogether and abolish the department
without waiting for the time to change.”[14]
However,
the contribution made by the R.S.S. in the life
of ordinary citizens and the victims of partition
and riots can be understood and appreciated by
those who have gone through it. As a result of
the 'Direct Action' call given by Jinnah, the
scale on which rioting took place, and the way
Hindus and Sikhs suffered at the hands of Muslim
rioters and hooligans can never be adequately
described. The case of Noakhali is too well-known.
In Calcutta alone, just in three days -16th-18th
August, 1947 -6000 Hindus were killed and over
20,000 raped and maimed.
Penderol
Moon, who has been described as one of the ablest
men recruited to the ICS during the last phase
of the Raj, was Commissioner of Bahawalpur District
of the newly created state of Pakistan. Bahawalpur
was one of the worst hit districts by the Muslim
violence. Moon describes:
"The
hooligan Muslim elements in the big cities perceived
all too clearly the weakness of the Government;
the forces of law and order, not too staunch in
any case, became puzzled and doubtful of what
was expected of them.”[15]
Moon's
book Divide and Quit is a moving document
of all that the partition gave to the Hindus.
The violence against Hindus was at its worst.
Moon notes that Muslim police in Bahawalpur (where
Moon was posted as commissioner) state and almost
all over the newly created state of Pakistan was
very unreliable. It could not be trusted for the
task it was supposed to perform, i.e., protecting
Hindus and Sikhs. Moon has listed several instances
indicating that quite often the Muslim police
participated in the violence, loot, rape and murder.
Moon sums up:
"There
was a complete breakdown, or rather reversal of
ordinary moral values. To kill a Sikh had become
almost a duty; to kill a Hindu hardly a crime.
To rob them was innocent pleasure carrying no
moral stigma; to refrain was a mark not of virtue
but of lack of enterprise. On the other hand,
to try to stop these things was at best folly,
at worst a crime. Mild remonstrance, though disliked
and despised, could be tolerated... but effective
action was liable to be viewed as a capital offence.”[16]
A
detailed report prepared by Sardar Gurbachan Singh
Talib on behalf of the Sikh Gurudwara Prabandhak
Committee documents in detail such inhuman atrocities
on Hindus and Sikhs.[17]
It
was during such periods of crisis that the R.S.S.
volunteers put their life in danger and saved
the Hindus and Sikhs, wherever they could, from
murder, rape, loot and conversion. R.S.S. became
the most popular and respected organisation among
the displaced persons and refugees of partition
not for no reason. The R.S.S. sources have noted:
"There
was the consideration of protecting Hindu life
and honour throughout Northern Bharat. Muslim
riots were going on all over. Who would save the
Hindus in absence of R.S.S? It was the Sangh workers
who saved millions of Hindus in Pakistan areas
-including Congress mininisters -from annihilation.
And it was the R.S.S., which scotched the Muslim
conspiracy to rise in revolt in East Punjab and
Delhi, and annex the area of Pakistan. Also R.S.S.
plunged itself into relief work."[18]
The
popularity and goodwill earned by sheer dedication
and hard work among the Sikhs and Hindus did create
jealousy and a kind of fear among the political
leaders and the 'secularist' Muslims of Nehru
brigade. They started making all kinds of wild
allegations against R.S.S. and accused it of being
involved in communal riots. It is interesting
to note that no such allegations were made against
the real culprits, i.e., the Muslim rioters.
However, in this context, Sardar Patel's letter
to M.S. Golwalkar is worth quoting. Patel writes,
almost one year after partition:
“You
are well-aware of my views about the R.S.S.. I
have expressed those thoughts at Jaipur in December
[1947] and last at Lucknow in January [1948]...
There can be no doubt that the R.S.S. did service
to the Hindu society. In the areas where there
was the need for help and organisation, the young
men of R.S.S. protected women and children and
strove much for their sake. No person of understanding
could have a word of objection regarding that.
But the objectionable part arose when they burning
with revenge, began attacking Muslims.”[19]
We
shall return in the next section to this issue
ofSardar Patel's impression regarding R.S.S.'s
involvement in riots. It would suffice here to
quote a few analysists of the events. First, Craig
Baxter who conveys many things that have not been
said in words:
"After
independence, both the Government and R.S.S. felt
each other out. Nehru suspected and perhaps feared
the organisation... A group, which he saw as outright
communalist, was a danger. Gandhi... apparently
appreciated the rescue work being done by the
Swayamsevaks, and visited the R.S.S. camp
in Delhi on 16 September, 1947. When he went on
fast in January 1948, he was visited by leaders
of all communities including Lala Hansraj Gupta,
the Delhi Sanghachalak.”[20]
Walter
K. Anderson and Shridhar Damle, the most virulent
among the critics of R.S.S., also note:
"The
growing popularity and activism of R.S.S.led many
to speculate that it was a force to reckon with...
Vallabh Bhai Patel solicited Golwalkar's help
in an effort to convince the Hindu Maharaja of
Kashmir to merge his princely state with India...
In September 1947, the Delhi region military commander
met Golwalkar at least twice to request his help
in maintaining law and order... As 1947 came to
a close, senior political figures became increasingly
outspoken about the danger of R.S.S. becoming
an independent political force. A massive R.S.S.
rally in Delhi on 10 December, 1947, attended
by several Hindu princes, prominent businessmen
and an array of leaders from various Hindu organisations,
seemed to underscore the hold of R.S.S. on a significant
part of the Hindu community."[21]
Nehru
and his 'secular' friends were virtually paranoid
with R.S.S.; not for any other reason but from
a fear of loosing power in case the R.S.S. decided
to take a plunge in political arena.
Gandhiji's
Assassination and Aftermath
The
false propaganda and malicious campaign against
R.S.S. got a boost because of the most unfortunate
incident in the Indian history -the assassination
of Mahatma Gandhi -on 30 January, 1948 by Nathuram
Vinayak Godse. Godse was associated with R.S.S.
in 1930s, but soon fell out with R.S.S. because
of differences.
Guruji
was in Madras when the news of Gandhiji's murder
reached him. Immediately upon learning of the
assassination, he sent condolence messages to
Nehru, Patel and Devdas Gandhi:
"Shocked
at the news of cruel fatal attack and tragic loss
of greatest personality. Country's loss unbounded
in these critical times. God help shoulder responsibilities
grown heavier and fulfil the void caused by the
loss of incomparable unifier ."[22]
Guruji
issued the following directive on 30 January,
1948 to the different branches of R.S.S. by telegram:
"Out
of respect and sense of sorrow at the tragic demise
of Mahatmaji, observe mourning till the thirteenth
day by suspending normal routine.”[23]
On
his return to Nagpur the very next day, i.e.,
31 January, 1948, he wrote the following letter
to Nehru:
"Yesterday
at Madras, I heard the shocking news that some
thoughtless perverted soul has committed the heinous
act of putting a sudden and ghastly end to the
life of Poojya Mahatmaji by the bullet.
This vile act is a blot on our society in the
eyes of the world. Even if it had been at the
hands of one from an enemy country, this act would
have been unpardonable, for the life of Mahatmaji
was dedicated to the good of entire humanity crossing
the borders of particular groups of people. No
wonder that everyone of our countrymen will be
filled with unbearable agony to see that one of
our own countrymen has perpetrated this most inconceivable,
abominable act The attack on such a holy man...
is indeed an act treacherous not merely to an
individual but to the whole country...”[24]
The
same day he wrote to Sardar Patel also expressing
his shock:
"My
heart is wrung with extreme agony. It is difficult
to find words to condemn the person who has committed
this crime... What can be said about the man who
has thus plunged the whole world into indescribable
grief? But let us shoulder the responsibility
that has fallen upon the untimely passing away
of that great unifier, keeping alive the sacred
memories of that soul who had tied diverse nature
into a single bond and was leading them on a single
path."[25]
Once
it became known that the assassin was a Chitpavan
Brahmin and was associated in the past with the
R.S.S. and Mahasabha, the hate machine
and Government's steam rollers worked extra-time.
The retaliatory violence against Chitpavan Brahmins
in general may not have been on the scale of violence
against Sikhs after Mrs. Indira Gandhi's assassination,
but it was serious enough to warrant the intervention
of several prominent Maharashtrians including
M.S. Aney, who was then the Governor of Bihar.[26]
Another
theory started doing the round that had came out
forcefully from Nehru. It was the theory that
both R.S.S. and Hindu Mahasabha had conspired
to seize power by violence and Mahatma's murder
was only the first stage.[27] Craig Baxter rightly concludes
that the Government of India took advantage of
the charge to arrest Guruji on 3rd February, and
to follow this up with the arrest of some 25,000
swayamsevaks. Next day, i.e., on
4th February, 1948 a notification was issued which
banned R.S.S. and declared it unlawful. It is
important to quote the Government notification
in some detail:
"In
their resolution of 2nd February, 1948, the Government
of India…have decided to declare unlawful the
Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh in the Chief
Commissioner's provinces. Similar action is also
being taken in the Governors' provinces... The
professed aims and objects of the Rashtriya
Swayamsevak Sangh are to promote the physical,
intellectual and moral well being of the Hindus
and also to foster feelings of brotherhood, love
and service amongst them... The Government have,
however, noticed with regret that in practice
members of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh
have not adhered to their professed ideals.
"Undesirable
and even dangerous activities have been carried
on by members of the Sangh. It has been found
that in several parts of the country individual
members of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh have
indulged in acts of violence involving arson,
robbery, dacoity and murder, and have collected
illicit arms and ammunitions. They have been found
circulating leaflets exhorting people to resort
to terrorist methods, to collect firearms, to
create disaffection against the Government and
suborn the police a~ the military. These activities
have been carried out under a cloak of secrecy,
and the Government had considered from time to
time how far these activities rendered it incumbent
on them to deal with the Sangh in its corporate
capacity. The last occasion when the Government
defined its attitude was when the premiers and
the Home Ministers of Provinces met in DeThi in
conference towards the end of November.
"It
was, then unanimously agreed that the stage when
the Sangh should be dealt with as an occasion
had not yet arrived and that individuals should
continue to be dealt with sternly as hitherto.
The objectionable and harmful activities of the
Sangh have, however, continued unabated and the
cult of violence sponsored and inspired by the
activities of the Sangh has claimed many victims.
The latest and the most precious to fall was Gandhi
himself.
"In
these circumstances, it is the bounded duty of
the Government to take effective measures to curb
this re- appearance of violence in a virulent
form and as a first step to this end, they have
decided to declare the Sangh as an unlawful association…
"
The
Government communique contained some really serious
charges against R.S.S. including the charge of
the murder of Gandhiji. How~ver, the Government's
design against R.S.S. started falling apart when
in the Red Fort trial of Gandhiji' s murder the
Government was not able to show any R.S.S. involvement
in the crime nor its involvement in any conspiracy
to overthrow the Government. On 5 August, 1948,
Guruji was released form the prison and by the
end of the month most of the R.S.S. detainees
were also freed.
Though
Guruji and other R.S.S. members were released,
the ban on R.S.S. continued and Guruji was directed
to remain within the municipal limits of Nagpur.
"Golwalkar continued to act with a degree
of dignity in the face of what was clearly a political
act by the Government. "[28] After his release Guruji wrote
a series of letters to Nehru and Patel for lifting
the ban on R.S.S. repeatedly requesting:
"If
you have complaints of a criminal nature against
the R.S.S. or against its members, try them_n
open court of law, but in fairness discontinue
the broad, unproven charges of unlawfulness."
His
first letter to Nehru written on 11 August, 1948
went unacknowledged. Guruji's letter of 24 August,
1948 to Nehru was replied by his Secretary, Mr.
A. V. Pai, which said that thought the question
of lifting the ban or not is being dealt by Home
Ministry, but he (Nehru) wants me to inform you
that he is not prepared to accept your statement
that the R.S.S. are free from blame or that the
charges against them are without foundation. Government
have a great deal of evidence in their possession
to show that R.S.S. were engaged in activities
which were antinational and prejudicial form the
point of view of public good.[29]
Guruji
acknowledged A.V. Pai's letter and wrote to Nehru
on 3 November, 1948:
"If
really the Central and the Provincial Governments
are in possession of incriminating evidence against
the R.S.S. or certain of its members, is it not
right to expect at least a few successful prosecutions
against the alleged wrong doers?...[30]
“Also
in a Government by law in a free state, which
propounds and maintains the fundamental rights
of citizens and their rights to associate and
peacefully propagate their views, we claim it
as a right to be placed in the possession of the
'evidence' so that we may meet the charges. It
is unfair for a civilised Government, that ours
is, to charge any persons or a body of person
with crimes of a serious character, without laying
sufficient weighty evidence on the table and giving
a chance to vindicate his innocence. In the case
of the R.S.S., I am constrained to state that
it is most unfair to level charges against us,
allow private individuals and parties to carry
on a campaign of vilification against us under
cover of the Government ban and at the same time
gag us by use of Emergency Legislations like the
Public Safety acts. I fail to see how this course
is calculated to do credit to the Government which
we want to love and hold in esteem. In the short
space of this letter, I have tried to indicate
that the' evidence' on the face of it is unreliable.
It deserves to be sifted and assessed for what
it is worth. May I appeal to you, our Prime Minister
and the First Gentleman of the State, to apply
an impartial, judicious and objective mind to
this question and allow me and my friends to disapprove
the allegations and vindicate our innocence? May
I appeal further that, in view of the untenability
of the charges, the ban on the R.S.S. be lifted?
May I also appeal that no new matters be now introduced
as it will be a deviation from the established
canons of law and justice?”[31]
The
Government of India was not prepared to do this.
Nehru replied with the same general charges and
advised Guuruji to deal directly with the Home
Ministry as the matter was in their hands.[32]
To this letter the reply of Guruji was not only
very frank but also somewhere indicating his hurt.
He wrote: "It [Nehru's letter] depicts that
your mind is practically closed on the question."
After dealing with various matters in detail,
Guruji closes the letter saying:
"We
appear to be at the parting of the ways. The mother
can be worshipped in various ways, all sooner
or later converging, meeting at Her sacred feet.
I had hoped and tried that our ways converge and
meet sooner, but that does not seem to be Her
Will. I obey Her command and with all love and
respect for you, prepare to step upon the course
which the Great Mother may indicate."[33]
Despite
a very rough treatment at the hands of Nehru,
which really continued till his death in 1964,
Guruji did not carry any malice towards Nehru.
On his death on 28 May, 1964 Guruji paid glowing
tributes calling Nehru one of the greatest sons
of Bharat and said it was the duty of every Indian
to get inspiration from Nehru's dedication and
concern for the motherland and his call 'Aaram
Haram Hai' on the way of building the nation.[34]
After
he failed in his efforts in convincing the Government
of India, Guruji came to Delhi because his travel
restrictions were lifted in October, so that he
could confer with the Government officials. He
was in Delhi until 12 November, 1948. After the
talks broke, down he was served with a Governmental
order to return to Nagpur under guard on 14 November
and remained under house arrest until the lifting
of ban on 12 July, 1949. On 13 November 1948,
before leaving Delhi, he issued a directive to
all Swayamsevaks. After giving details
of his correspondence with the Government and
various other negotiations and the reason for
the break up of talks, he wrote:
"The
Government appears to pursue a course of tyrannical
suppression of which even old barbarian rulers
would be ashamed, to deny us the natural rights
of existence and mutual association, in a manner
to deprive us of even the elementary 'citizen'
rights.
"The
state of affairs is humiliating. To continue to
submit meekly to this atrocious tyranny is an
insult to the honour of the citizens of free India
and a blow to the prestige of our civilised-free
state. As patriotic citizens it is our sacred
duty to refuse to submit to arbitrary tyranny.
We have, therefore, to discharge our duty, to
stand up and vindicate the honour and rights of
the state and the citizens...
"We
have tried every effort to reach peacefully a
just settlement. The Government on the other hand
have been more and more unjust and autocratic.
They appear to have been trying to exploit our
patriotic sentiments to strengthen the position
of their party. They take our restrain, actually
born out of a grave concern for our country, as
a sign of our weakness and plan to wipe us, in
our individual as well as corporate capacity,
out of existence. We can no longer allow these
evil sentiments to work, for that will ultimately
mean complete ruin of our country...
"I,
therefore, request you to stand up for our great
cause… With absolute faith in him and unswerving
devotion to our holy motherland let us start on
our peaceful campaign of vindicating justice of
our cause. However unwillingly, we have been forced
into this only course by the narrow mindedness
of the Government, their greed for perpetuation
of party domination and their intolerance of the
existence of every other form of thought and action…
Hence, after full consideration, I, hereby, withdraw
my directive of disbandment of the R.S.S. dated
6 February, 1948 and request you to resume our
work in the normal manner. Utmost efforts at the
same time, be made to maintain peace and prevent
discord."[35]
On
9 December, Guruji gave a call upon the swayamsevaks
to defy ban by holding shakhas and resorting
to satyagraha.[36]
More than 60,000 swayamsevaks were arrested
in this satyagraha. However, the satyagraha
was suspended on 20 January, 1949 because
the Government approached R.S.S. officials to
resume the talks.
Talks
were resumed through Shri T. V .R. Shastri, President
of Indian Liberation Federation, and Mauli Chandra
Sharma, the then General Secretary of Civil Liberties
Union. Now dropping all allegations and charges
against the R.S.S., Government demanded a written
Constitution of the R.S.S., which was not there
till now. The same was duly written and forwarded
to the Government, which after a few clarifications
and revision was accepted by the Government.
Finally,
on 11 July, 1949 the ban was lifted for the Government
comminique (Documents Part-I.36).
Nehru,
Patel and the R.S.S.
It
is very interesting to note that on the one hand
Nehru, Patel and the provincial governments were
running a campaign against the R.S.S. charging
it with communalism, and on the other, the R.S.S.
was being cajoled, persuaded and even threatened
to join the Congress. But before that, let us
see what transpired between Nehru and Patel. So
far as Nehru was concerned, he was of course never
tired of exhibiting his secular credentials. All
that he needed was an excuse, however ridiculous
it could be. A perusal of speeches and letters
of both Jawaharlal Nehru and Sardar Patel shows
the contrast. While Sardar would chide Muslims,
Hindus, Sikhs alike for the violence and disturbances,
Nehru's concern was only Muslims' safety and he
blamed Hindus and Sikhs for everything. He never
talked of Muslim communalism and their role in
riots - neither in his writings nor speeches.
His 'secularism' meant Hindu battering and Muslim
appeasement. The rebuilding Somnath Temple at
Prabhas Patan is a case in point, to which we
shall return later.
In
the context of Gandhi's assassination and the
R.S.S., Nehru and Patel differed; virtually they
stood poles apart.
In
the case of Gandhiji's murder, Nehru would much
himself have liked to deal with the entire thing,
but since it was the matter of Home Ministry with
Sardar Patel as its boss, Nehru could hardly bulldoze
the process and dictate to Sardar. Still off and
on, he could not resist the temptation to influence
the course of inquiry and wrote what he thought
about the whole thing. On 26th February, 1948,
Nehru wrote to Patel:
"While
the investigation about Bapu's assassination by
Godse is proceeding here and [in] Bombay and elsewhere,
there appears to be a certain lack of real effort
in tracing the larger conspiracy. More and more
I have come to the conclusion that Bapu's murder
was not an isolated business, but a part of a
much wider campaign organised chiefly by the R.S.S..
A large number of R.S.S. men have been arrested,
probably many of them more or less innocent. But
a considerable number of their key men are still
abroad and underground or even sometimes flourishing
in the open. Many of these people are in our offices
and in the police. It is hardly possible to keep
anything secret from their group... no search
could be conducted in secret because prior intimation
always reached the parties concerned... I think
something more than has been done can be undertaken.
I have little doubt that R.S.S. organisation is
still fairly active in many ways... I am told
that they have taken to a number of innocent activities
and are utilising them to keep their organisation
in proper trim."[37]
Sardar
Patel replied in great detail to this letter the
very next day, i.e., on 27th February,
1948. He wrote to Nehru:
"1
have kept myself almost in daily touch with the
progress of the investigation regarding Bapu's
assassination case. I devote a large part of my
evening to discussing with Sanjevi the day's progress
and giving instructions to him on any point that
arise. All the main accused have given long and
detailed statements of their activities. In one
case, the statement extends to ninety typed pages.
From their statements, it is quite clear that
no part of the conspiracy took place in Delhi.
The centres of activity were Poona, Bombay, Ahmednagar
and Gwalior. Delhi was, of course, the terminating
point of their activities, but by no means its
centre; nor do they seem to have spent more than
a day or two at a time, and that too only twice
between 19 and 30 January. It also clearly
emerges from these statements that the R.S.S.
was not involved in it at all... It also appears
that the conspiracy was limited to some ten men,
of whom all except two have been got hold of.
Every bit of these statements is being carefully
checked up and verified and scrutinised, and where
necessary, followed up.
"Of
course, it is impossible for us at this stage
to publicise any of these things or to say anything
publicly about what is being done to unearth the
conspiracy. Every item of information that is
being communicated to us through sources, known
and unknown, real, anonymous or pseudonymous,
is being investigated. More than 90 per cent of
these have been found to be just imagination.
Most of these have been directed to the R.S.S.
men in various centres. We have followed this
up, and except these vague allegations that sweets
were distributed or joy was expressed, hardly
anything of substance has been found in them.
After having dealt with these matters at first
hand and discussed these matters in detail with
Sanjevi and other officers who are in charge of
this investigation, including the Public Prosecutor
of Bombay, Mr. Pettigarah, who has been advising
the investigators on legal points, I have come
to the conclusion that the conspiracy of Bapu's
assassination was not so wide as is generally
assumed, but was restricted to a handful of men
who have been his enemies for a very considerable
time -the antipathy can be traced right to the
time when Bapu went for his talks with Jinnah,
when Godse went on a fast and some others of the
conspirators went to Wardha to prevent him [Bapu]
from going... But beyond this, I do not think
it is possible, on the evidence which has come
before us, to implicate any other members of the
R.S.S. or the Hindu Mahasabha…
"As
regards the R.S.S. in Delhi, I am not aware of
any prominent men or active workers whom we have
left out. We hear all sorts of reports, from somebody
or the other regarding a certain person being
an active member or not. In some cases, on such
reports arrests were made, and we soon found representations
coming from Congressmen themselves testifying
to their Congress sympathies and anti-R.S.S. views.
We had to release them. In other cases, on arrests
of R.S.S. people being made on similar information,
both we and the Provincial Governments are being
accused of rounding up innocent people.”[38]
Sometimes,
Nehru appeared not only paranoid but also childish
when it came to the R.S.S.. On 5 February 1948,
Nehru wrote to Patel:
"It
appears that considerable numbers of prominent
R.S.S. people have gone to some of the states,
notably Bharatpur and Alwar. They have also taken
a good deal of material with them of various kinds.
It is possible that they might organise bases
there for the purpose of carrying on secret activities
elsewhere. Would it not be possible to get the
State Governments to ban the organisation? In
any event, it seems desirable to ask them to do
so.
"I
understand that the R.S.S. in Delhi have started
open- air Gita classes which really are meant
for them to meet and confer together.”[39]
Patel
replied on 6 February, 1950 and said:
"Regarding
banning of the R.S.S. in the States, we have already
sent telegrams to all bigger states including
Bharatpur and Alwar, to take parallel action in
their own territories. I expect many of them will
follow our advice. We can deal with those who
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