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Liberhan's
theatre of conspiracy starts with exonerating
the Ayodhya movement leaders from the guilt
of demolition first, on evidence and later,
on suspicion, indicting them for the conspiracy
to demolish. In this exercise he does not
spare anyone, including A B Vajpayee who
never visited Ayodhya during or after the
movement. Read on to know how he achieves
this impossible feat.
Exonerate
first, indict later
Look at how Liberhan's conclusion in one
place destroys his own conclusion in another.
He swings from exonerating the leaders while
seeing the evidence to indicting them at
the end purely on suspicion. Analysing the
(fragmented) evidence in Chapter 8 (para12)
of his report, he says that "the leaders
of the movement" - who must necessarily
include Vajpayee, Advani, Singhal, Seshadri
and the like - "may not have approved the
demolition". But six chapters later in Chapter
14 he ends up concluding (para 171) that
each of them - naming them all - is individually
'culpable', on suspicion! How could the
later indictment in Chapter 14 match with
the earlier exoneration in Chapter 8? The
exoneration was based on evidence; the indictment,
on suspicion. This is the pattern of Liberhan's
jurisprudence.
Advani
pretended to save structure - Liberhan
Again, Liberhan (para 44.24, Chapter 4)
suspects as 'feeble' the 'requests to the
karsevaks' by L K Advani, M M Joshi, Ashok
Singhal, Vijay Raje Scindia, H V Seshadri,
etc, who were present there 'to come down
from the disputed structures either in earnest'
or, as Liberhan suspects, 'for the media's
benefit'. He doubts that Advani was merely
pretending. He says: "The icons of the movement
present … could have easily proceeded to
the corridors and utilising the administration's
assistance or that of their highly disciplined
swayamsevaks, prevented the demolition",
virtually leaving it unsaid that, unless
Advani and others had rushed towards the
crowd to stop them, it would be correct
to suspect that Advani was part of the conspiracy.
Liberhan knows that the movement leaders
are themselves under high security and the
security would not allow them to rush into
the crowd. Yet he says that unless they
did so they would be suspect, and they did
not and so he suspects them. His logic of
suspicion yielding suspicion is adequate,
according to him, to nail Advani.
Advani
actually attempted to save the structure,
Liberhan again!
But,
contradicting his suspicion (in para 44.24,
p256) that Advani was just pretending to
stop the karsevaks, Liberhan notes the evidence
in his possession, in the very next para
(para 44.25) which totally destroys his
suspicion that Advani was pretending. Liberhan
notes: 'L K Advani first made requests over
the public address system to the karsevaks
on the dome to come down. When the request
fell on deaf ears, then he deputed Uma Bharati,
Acharya Dharmendra Dev, Baikunt Lal Sharma
'Prem' to go along with his own personal
security officer Anju Gupta to the disputed
structure to persuade the karsevaks to come
down. The karsevaks paid no heed to this
request either. Uma Bharati claimed that
when the persuasion failed, an attempt was
made to bring them down by instilling fear
of the paramilitary forces, saying that
there would be firing and bloodshed. The
karsevaks' reply reportedly was, "we have
not come here to eat Halwa Puri. We are
not that brand of karsevaks. We have come
from home to face firing. The karsevaks
did not react to persuasion nor fear". This
evidence about the level of motivation of
the karsevaks recorded by him from different
persons, should have completely removed
his suspicion in the earlier para that Advani
was merely pretending to ask the karsevaks
to stop the demolition. More. Liberhan recognises
(in para 59.12, p346) that 'all witnesses
including' the then BBC correspondent 'Mark
Tully accepted' that Advani 'did not make
any provocative speeches'. Again (in para
44.5, p263) Liberhan finds that 'there was
mixed reaction among the leadership of the
movement. L K Advani and other more sober
leaders were taken aback by the demolition'.
These are all Liberhan's findings on evidence.
How could Liberhan then hold, as he does,
that Advani did incite the crowds when all
witnesses say he did not? Why would Advani
who, Liberhan suspects, was inciting the
karsevaks to demolish and pretending to
stop it, be taken aback by the demolition?
Evidence recorded by Liberhan establishes
that Advani never made provocative speeches;
he tried to prevent the demolition; he was
taken aback by the demolition. Yet Liberhan
holds him, purely on suspicion, guilty of
conspiracy to demolish the structure. How?
He first suspects that Advani was pretending
to prevent the demolition. On that basis
he further suspects in Chapter 14 that Advani
and others could have prevented the demolition
but did not do so. On that basis he further
suspects that Advani must have been part
of the conspiracy. So his suspicions aggregated
become, for Liberhan, proof even though
it is contrary to evidence.
Flip-flop-flip
on RSS
See how he flips-flops on the RSS, first
exonerating it and later indicting it for
conspiracy. Liberhan (para 43.11, p241)
refers to allegations of training and rehearsal
for the demolition, but concludes that,
even though there are doubts, it was not
safe to hazard a finding about training
in the absence of conclusive evidence. But
he says in the very next page (paras 43.15-27
p242-45) that 'it was never in dispute that
they (karsevaks) had the ability to carry
out the demolition' - which is exactly the
opposite of what he says earlier. How come
that 'there is no conclusive evidence of
training for karsevaks for demolition' in
para 43.11 becomes, 'it was never in dispute
that the karsevaks have the ability to carry
out the demolition' in para 43.19? A flip-flop!
Again Liberhan notes (paras 43.15/43.19/43.27)
that tempers among the emotionally surcharged
and belligerent karsevas started rising,
but concludes (in para 158.10, page 917),
against all the evidence to the contrary,
that 'the theory or the claim made by the
leaders of the movement' … 'does not carry
conviction to conclude that the demolition
was carried out by the karsevaks spontaneously
or sheer anger or emotions'. Again a flip-flop!!
Liberhan
notes (paras 43.12/13, p253) that a defiant
group of karsevaks breached the security
cordon 'despite the resistance offered by
the RSS swayamsevaks' and 'the RSS swayamsevaks
succeeded in physically throwing the intruders
from the platform' when 'no visible substantial
resistance was put up by the police or the
administration for stalling the intruders'.
All this was in the presence of Advani and
M M Joshi. Thus the evidence clearly proves
that the RSS, on its part, was determined
to protect the structure. But in defiance
of this direct evidence, he concludes, in
the end, that the RSS was the main conspirator
to demolish the structure. But why would
the RSS volunteers throw the intruders out
if the RSS was conspiring to demolish? Again
a flip-flop!!!
Suspicions
as conclusions, against evidence
Thus, against all evidence in his possession
and no evidence to support him except his
own high propensity to suspect, Liberhan
conclusively suspects that not only Advani
against whom Liberhan has, in possession,
evidence that establishes that he had tried
to prevent the demolition, and others, but,
also A B Vajpayee - yes Vajpayee - was part
of the conspiracy.
See
his sequential 'logic' for holding that
the BJP leaders are culpable: one, it cannot
assumed even for a moment that L K Advani,
A B Vajpayee and M M Joshi did not know
the designs of the parivar; two they could
not have defied the mandate of the parivar;
three, the BJP is appendage of the parivar;
four, they could not be given the benefit
of doubt! (para 166.11, p943). That is,
they should be not exonerated, but indicted,
on doubt! Is this logic any different from
the gossip in street corner tea stalls and
coffee shops like how could Dr Manmohan
Singh be not aware of the payoff in the
Spectrum scam, so he should also be indicted?
QED:
The Liberhan report is worse than street
corner gossip.
Courtesy:
www.expressbuzz.com, December 08, 2009
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